“It would be a vision operation that could consolidate Meloni’s role as European leader, it would serve Berlusconi to strengthen the perspective on the side of the popular and the League to abandon the bad company in which it is now”. And on the reforms, Castellani adds: “The priority is to carry forward those that regulate the relationship between the state and the market (taxation and procurement) and that of justice”
The idea of building a large Conservative Party on a European scale, consolidating the leadership of Giorgia Meloni beyond the perimeter of national borders, has existed for some time. But if at the community level the project can work and succeed in a certain sense in centralizing the political objectives it sets itself, in Italy the time is not yet ripe. He sees it like this Lorenzo Castellani, political scientist and professor of history of political institutions at Luiss.
Why is co-servatism convenient in Europe, but not in Italy? Is there a leadership problem?
More than leadership, the risk I see, in the case of a single subject that federates FdI, Forza Italia and Lega, in Italy, is that of a cold merger with a high risk of splits after a while. Or at least at the very moment in which the leader – who at present would be Giorgia Meloni – went into crisis. The “minor” allies – Lega and Forza Italia – could benefit from it, because together they would certainly have greater political (as well as numerical) weight. But, I repeat. it wouldn’t fit. In Europe, on the other hand, it would be a vision operation that could consolidate Meloni’s role as European leader, it would serve Berlusconi to strengthen the perspective on the side of the popular and the League to abandon the bad company in which it is now. A political group with which it no longer has anything in common.
So would the idea of a federation between popular and conservatives come back?
More than a federation, I would speak of a single list with which to present itself in the European elections, which would, moreover, guarantee a leading role for the national centre-right, which would appear to be united. And, among other things, it could play a decisive role in decisions on European bodies.
In your opinion, what is the perception of conservatism in Italy?
There is no properly conservative political doctrine in Italy. Another reason why it is not advisable to think of a party with these characteristics, at least in the medium term, it being understood that having three distinct subjects allows the spectrum of the electorate to be broadened and intercept more typologies. There is also a problem of perception of a morphological nature in our country. Conservatori is associated, in the collective imagination, with something obscurantist, bigoted and retrograde. It is not convenient for Meloni to draw on this political lexicon.
Speaking of political lexicon, it seems that the prime minister prefers the line of moderation.
Of course, because this is the line of the governing party and of those who hold the role of Prime Minister. Meloni, on closer inspection, should draw on the lexicon of the old DC, clearly from the far right side. Let’s say the Andreottian one.
Meloni has decided to put the roadmap for reforms on paper. Do you foresee that some rips will wear out?
On autonomy it will be a match that will result in a compromise. First of all in the method: ordinary legislation will be used and not a constitutional law. The challenge is to make the two centralist souls coexist – which characterize the Brothers of Italy and Forza Italia and the Northern one typical of the League. Presidentialism is more of a flag reform but difficult to achieve. However, very positive months are ahead of Meloni if ’exploited’ to the fullest. The priority is to carry forward the reforms that regulate the relationship between the state and the market (taxation and procurement) and that of justice.
The Conservative Party is convenient in the EU but not in Italy. Castellani speaks – Formiche.net